Congress govt 'killed' the Bofors case: Arun Jaitley: CNN-IBN Videos:
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Sunday, April 29, 2012
Saturday, April 28, 2012
Wednesday, April 11, 2012
President Pratibha Patil grabs 261000 sq ft of land meant for soldiers and officers - Moneylife Personal Finance site and magazine
President Pratibha Patil grabs 261000 sq ft of land meant for soldiers and officers - Moneylife Personal Finance site and magazine:
President Pratibha Patil grabs 2,61,000 sq ft of land meant for soldiers and officers
April 11, 2012 07:20 PM |
Vinita Deshmukh
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President Pratibha Patil grabs 2,61,000 sq ft of land meant for soldiers and officers
April 11, 2012 07:20 PM |
Vinita Deshmukh
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Sunday, April 8, 2012
Tatra case: Rishi's money trail leads CBI to UK - India News - IBNLive
Tatra case: Rishi's money trail leads CBI to UK - India News - IBNLive:
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India | Updated Apr 08, 2012 at 09:46pm IST
Tatra case: Rishi's money trail leads CBI to UK
New Delhi: The CBI is looking into the payments made by defence PSU BEML to Tatra Sipox UK for the supply of all terrain trucks and plans to send judicial request to the United Kingdom seeking details of its financial transactions and ownerships.
The agency suspects that payments from BEML were actually going to a tax haven, CBI sources said, adding that they are probing into it but added that the investigations are in preliminary stage.
The sources said at present they are likely to send Letters Rogatory to the UK seeking information on financial transactions of Tatra Sipox UK in which Vectra Chairman Ravinder Rishi has been a Director, owning substantial shares.
The agency will also demand details of Tatra Sipox UK's association with Czech-republic based Tatra a.s, they said.
Rishi has refuted allegations of any wrong doing and is said to be co-operating with the agency during his questioning sessions during last week, the sources said.
The CBI is now focusing on the role of officials of Defence Ministry, BEML and army and may question them in connection with the case soon, they said.
The sources said it was in 1997 that Tatra Sipox UK signed the truck supply deal with BEML which was in alleged violation of defence procurement rules which say that procurement should be done directly from original equipment manufacturer only.
The CBI has alleged that since Tatra Sipox UK was not the original manufacturer of these all terrain trucks, the rule that defence procurements should be made from original
manufacturer was violated.
Meanwhile, Czech Republic-based Tatra a.s. had said in a statement that it supplies for India various truck components ("CKDs") that make up approximately 30 to 35 per cent of a complete vehicle.
"The remaining components are made or supplied by other manufacturers or by BEML, an Indian government controlled company that also assembles the Tatra branded vehicles and then sells and delivers them to customers within India under license agreement for Tatra a.s," it had said in a statement.
It had also stated that neither Ravi Rishi nor his investment company Vectra Limited, control or have controlled -- directly or indirectly -- Tatra a.s. "The British company Vectra Limited is a minority stakeholder in Tatra holdings and in principle holds one of
the four votes.
"Nonetheless, Tatra will request from Mr Rishi and Vectra Limited an explanation of the information about any initiated investigation of him and Vectra Ltd by Indian Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) as it relates to sales of products branded with the 'Tatra' name," it had said in a statement.
(With additional inputs from PTI)
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Friday, April 6, 2012
Sushant K. Singh: India Can't Shoot Straight - WSJ.com
Sushant K. Singh: India Can't Shoot Straight - WSJ.com:
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By SUSHANT K. SINGH
The leaked contents of a letter India's army chief sent to the prime minister sent shock waves around the country last week. In the letter, Gen. V.K. Singh warns that the military is obsolete and unfit to go to war. The government is furious about the leak, while it's also battling suggestions that its relationship with the military is strained. Yet New Delhi hasn't acknowledged its own failure to liberalize the defense industry is a big part of the problem.
The government has been quarrelling with Gen. Singh recently over a legal challenge about his mandatory retirement age and allegations of a lobbyist offering him a bribe. In this, as well as a media report this week of unauthorized troop movements toward Delhi, the spotlight is on how the secret letter was leaked. Regardless of who slipped a copy to the press, this missive performs a useful public service in highlighting just how unprepared the country is for military action.
Though its defenses aren't in immediate peril, India is nowhere near having the robust military its government expects to cope with a possible two-front war against China and Pakistan, its main adversaries. The letter notes that Indian army's air defenses are "97% obsolete"; its tank fleet lacks ammunition and is night-blind; its artillery has huge shortfalls; and its elite forces lack essential arms.
No branch of the military has the hardware it needs. Of the target strength of 39.5 combat squadrons for the air force, only 28.5 are combat-worthy today. The navy will be left with only 9 operational submarines this year against a requirement of 30. The infantry likewise lacks basic equipment, with half of the 1.3 million-strong army's foot soldiers yet to receive combat kits to replace their World War II-vintage gear.
Ground-based air defense is practically non-existent, the saving grace being that the air force provides 90% of the air defense cover. India's T-72 tanks from Russia can't fight at night, unlike Pakistani tanks. Though New Delhi can deploy T-90 tanks with night-fighting capability, ordnance factories can't produce sufficient ammunition for them. Meanwhile, India last bought artillery guns 25 years ago.
AFP/Getty Images
Army T-72 battle tanks can't fight at night, but Pakistan's tanks can.
While no country can afford 100% modern weaponry, most militaries strive to maintain a balanced equipment profile—a mix of 30% modern, 40% matured and 30% obsolescent. But more than half of India's equipment has slipped into the last category.
These shortfalls have potentially serious consequences. Unless the trend is reversed, India will find it hard to deter Pakistan's army from misadventures in Kashmir, such as happened in 1999 when Islamabad felt confident enough to occupy the area around Kargil. And if its conventional forces can't compel Pakistan's army to keep jihadis in check, India will struggle to prevent terror attacks on its soil.
Pakistan now poses less of a conventional threat to India than in decades past, but China has potent and growing military capabilities that test India's readiness. Although Delhi's nuclear arsenal provides strategic deterrence, a limited conflict under the nuclear threshold would expose its under-resourced military. Beijing could capitalize on this weak deterrence and become more aggressive along the disputed Sino-Indian border. Meanwhile, the rest of Asia, which considers Delhi a counterweight to Beijing, could look elsewhere for support.
The big problem isn't a lack of resources. Delhi procures $15 billion worth of weapons every year and it has ironically been the top importer of military equipment in the last five years. Over the next five years, India will spend an estimated $90 billion on arms.
Instead, it's a mixture of bureaucracy and bad policy. Overly complicated procurement procedures take a minimum of 36 months to buy an item. The defense minister, conscious of his honest image, has blacklisted arms manufactures at the slightest bribery allegation. How can India buy an artillery gun when all the major gun manufacturers are blacklisted by Delhi?
Besides imports, what money does get spent ends up dumped into inefficient production which New Delhi wants done at home. Although domestic supply meets barely 30% of India's equipment needs, India employs as many workers in its state-owned defense companies and ordnance factories as the U.K. or France—two of the world's biggest arms exporters.
An insignificant private presence and a 26% cap on foreign investment mean that the state-owned units monopolize defense manufacturing and predictably weaken it. New Delhi mandates that a foreign company like Boeing that wins an Indian arms contract use these local units for a set percentage of production. All technology transfers in import agreements also fatten these incumbents. In an uncompetitive market, they profit by just importing equipment, assembling it and selling it to the military at a high profit.
This chicanery in the name of "indigenization" must stop. Removing the foreign investment cap would do this, and provide a better investment climate to attract foreign manufacturers. Gen. Singh rightly warns about a "lack of urgency at all levels" on matters of national security. If the government doesn't urgently bridge shortfalls in equipment, simplify procurement methods and open the defense industry to foreign investors, the world's largest democracy won't get the modern military it needs to defend itself.
Mr. Singh heads the national security program at the Takshashila Institution and is editor of Pragati—The Indian National Interest Review.
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